Archive | Occasional Papers

UJCI Occasional Paper no 6

Sino-Ethiopian Trade and Investment Relations:
Actors, Determinants and Trends

Dr Messay Mulugeta

College of Development Studies, Addis Ababa University

September 2018

Since the late 1990s, extremely strong economic ties have developed between China and Ethiopia, with trade flows reaching more than US$3 billion a year, and Chinese investment in Ethiopia approaching US$3.5 billion in 2017 from a non-existent base two decades previously. Chinese investments have created vital infrastructure, jobs for thousands of Ethiopians, and valuable skills and technology transfers. This relationship provides Ethiopia with an unprecedented opportunity to benefit from the most rapidly developing economy in the world. Given that the African Union is based in Addis Ababa, it also has major economic implications for Africa as a whole. At the same time, it presents Ethiopia with significant challenges, namely to adapt Chinese resources and technologies to local circumstances and local priorities, ensuring, among others, that development is sustainable, environmentally sound, and protects rather than displaces local communities. In this Occasional Paper, Dr Mulugeta argues that this will require transformative and accountable leaders capable of harnessing and channeling the vast opportunities coming in from China.

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Produced in partnership with the Oxfam Pan Africa Programme.

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UJCI Occasional Paper no 5

Sino-South African Relations at Twenty: Key Lessons

Dr David Monyae, Co-Director, UJCI

Gibson Banda, Research Intern, UJCI

January 2018

In 2018, China and South Africa will celebrate 20 years of formal diplomatic ties. This relationship is vital for regional African prosperity, South-South solidarity, and North-South dialogue. It is important for South Africa, which has increasingly sought alternatives to the western-dominated international arena, as well as China, which is seeking more active strategic partners as well as a greater role in Africa.

This paper assesses South Africa’s relationship with China, seeking to gauge its cost and benefits for both parties. What benefits has South Africa obtained from switching recognition from Taipei to mainland China in 1998? The authors argue that this has substantially benefited both parties, but that some areas need attention. To this end, they offer a number of policy prescriptions for the next two decades and beyond.

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UJCI Occasional Paper no 4

Implications of the US-led War on Terror for Africa-China relations

Bhaso Ndzendze, Research Coordinator, UJCI

China has come to match, and in some instances replace, the US  as the pre-eminent economic and political player in East Africa. This study examines whether this is due to the US-led War on Terror, which has associated it with insulated (and sometimes controversial) priorities; a disregard for international institutions and laws; bellicosity against African states and African allies; and political interference and even regime change in other countries in several world regions, including Libya and Iraq. In theory, all these factors could have diminished American influence and created a vacuum that came to be filled by China which, while fighting its own war on terror, has shunned interference in the internal affairs of other countries, thereby bolstering its ‘soft power’ appeal among African countries.

This study finds, however, that the War on Terror only led to the US being displaced by China in one of four East African countries studied, namely Sudan. In the others, Uganda, Kenya and Djibouti, the War on Terror has actually strengthened US involvement. This shows that US-led efforts against terrorism in African countries have helped to make them safer for Chinese investment as well.

The study also points to important conclusions about how most African states view international engagement involving the US and China. Rather than applying the bipolar Cold War lens of maintaining relations with one major power only (either China or the US), they are open to engagement with both these countries insofar as both have developmental routes to offer that are not mutually exclusive.

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UJCI Africa-China Occasional Paper No 3

The Relevance of Ubuntu for African Development and International Relations in the Global Future: Comments on Muxe Nkondo

Peter O Ndege, Professor of History, Moi University, Eldoret, Kenya

September 2017

With the demise of apartheid, and South Africa’s transition to black majority rule, the twin philosophies of Ubuntu and the African Renaissance appeared on the African landscape. At the same time, the discourse about Ubuntu echoes the debates about previous African philosophies and ideologies.

Professor Muxe Nkondo has joined the fray, with his latest paper on Ubuntu (UJCI Africa-China Occasional Paper no 2, August 2017) providing an opportunity not only to comment on his ideas, but also to contribute to the debate.

This paper highlights and critiques some of the key issues raised by Nkondo. It then analyzes the nature of Ubuntu, and assesses the extent to which it is either a creative or defensive ideology in the light of Nkondo’s propositions, and as seen against the realities on the ground. Next, it analyzes Ubuntu’s implications for Africa’s international relations, before reaching some conclusions.

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UJCI Africa-China Occasional Paper No 2

Ubuntu as Public Policy: Challenges and Opportunities

Professor Muxe Nkondo

Edited version of a paper presented at the South Africa–China High-Level Dialogue on 25 April 2017. Organised by the Mediation Support, Policy Research and Analysis Unit, Department of International Relations and Cooperation, in collaboration with the China Public Diplomacy Association

Liberal democracies have reached a stage where the moral person is increasingly giving way to the one-dimensional, commercial, and self-serving person. This process, aided by the unprecedented development of science and technology, is assuming huge proportions and power, obscuring human values under the shadow of soulless neoliberal capitalist forces. How can governments foster the development of Ubuntu as public policy? How can enterprises such as schools, hospitals, farms, businesses, workplaces, and courts be founded on Ubuntu principles? How can governments and their partners work together on the agenda for fundamental change, sharing responsibilities, encouraging one another in the development of Ubuntu principles, and offering a high-quality public service? These are among the issues examined in this Occasional Paper. Click here to download.

 

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UJCI Africa-China Occasional Paper No 1

China’s Soft-Power Status (via UN Peacekeeping) and its Implications for the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA)

Martin R. Rupiya, Ph.D
Institute for African Renaissance Studies, University of South Africa

ABSTRACT: As part of China’s newly acquired, soft power status, manifest in its foreign policy and global repositioning since 2015, Beijing has directed support towards Africa’s collective security of African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) established in 2003, and the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACRIC) of May 2013.

Since the 1990s, the nature of African conflicts have shown the limitations of traditional peacekeeping and its subsequent war-fighting variations that include enforcement as well as seek-and-destroy mandates. Meanwhile, APSA and ACRIC are not necessarily complementary notions, with the latter specifically seeking to reassert self-reliance based on the exclusion of external assistance, however described.  iven this context, the Chinese initiative, attempting to mediate African conflicts through international peacekeeping, may have misunderstood the context and utility of the tools against the background of Africa’s complex, protracted and increasingly ‘forever wars’.

This article argues that Africa’s collective security, led by the AU, is located in the sophisticated and elastic notion of subsidiarity, operating between states, subregional security entities and the PSC, in which responsibility is local and only subverted to the centre when all else fails. Where those crises dominate, intervention by the African Peace and Security Council (PSC) finds itself having to balance local and external interests and actors, some of whom may not necessarily subscribe to the APSA framework.

This article argues for a joint and mutual China-Africa conceptual re-evaluation of the assistance in order to create opportunities for a substantive relationship with the still emerging African collective security framework.

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